مجله مطالعات ایرانی
پیاپی 40 (پاییز و زمستان 1400)

Anthropologists have long found traces of myth in folk tales and the roots of some of these stories and legends are known as myths. Myths are the beliefs of ancient humans on which human culture is based. Thus, general public literature is perhaps an appearance of mythical beliefs, and by analyzing the common stories and narrations among the people of different regions, one can find great ancient treasures. This study compares two completely distant narratives - in terms of time and place - one of them is from the general popular literature and the other is the mythical narratives of India, so that by examining their differences and similarities, the deep connection between myth and popular literature will be revealed.This narration has been quoted from the people of Fasa. Fasa with 4205 square kilometers is located between Shiraz, Estahban, Darab and Jahrom. This city is located in the central part of Fars province. It is bounded by Shiraz from the northwest, Estahban from the northeast, Jahrom from the southwest and west, and Darab from the southeast and east. The language of most people in Fasa is Persian with the dialect of East Fars (a dialect between Shirazi and Kermani) and since different tribes have lived in this region from ancient times, several languages have become popular in it, among which Turkish and Arabic languages can be mentioned. Turkish and Arab ethnic groups with their native speakers in their mother tongue and use Persian language in conversation with other people, which this interaction and conflict of dialects and languages has formed different pronunciations of words between dialects among people of Fasa.

In this research, the authors first collected the special and common narrative among the people of Fasa through field interviews; then they extracted the mythical sources related to the Buddha's history and studied the two narratives in a descriptive-analytical method, also adapted them to each other.

A)- BirthThe story of the Buddha's birth begins with the dream of Queen Maya, the king's wife; She dreams that Budisatova enters her womb in the form of a white elephant, and at that moment all the elements of nature begin to rejoice. In the folk tale, the beginning of the story is narrated differently; it is about a king having no son and praying that God will give him a son to succeed him after his death. The king's wish was granted and he soon had a child. The presence of fortune tellers in this story is after the birth of the baby; whereas in the life story of the Buddha, once interpreters predict his coming before his birth, and once on the seventh day of his birth, an old cleric man announced his future. In both stories an old man predicts that he will reach to high degree of spirituality.In Folk narrative, the birth of a baby is normal; but the Buddha has an unnatural birth; the queen stands under a tree and the baby is born from her side without any pain or discomfort. There is a strange resemblance in the next part of the story; that the baby does strange things after birth. In folklore, the baby prostrates immediately after birth; he kisses the ground and walks three steps. The Buddha also begins to walk in four main directions as soon as he is born.B) – Life In both narrations, it is emphasized to stay away from the phenomena of death, old age, disease and visiting the hermits. In both stories, the king keeps his son in a palace away from the others and recommends that he should be kept away from the signs of death, old age, disease, and anything that introduces him to the adversities of life. He then chooses for her a daughter from a noble family, but after a while, the young man, seeing the signs of the misfortunes of life, changes and leaves his wife, house and anonymously, he deals with spiritual journey. In the folk tale, the prince leaves his house on the wedding night, while the Buddha leaves his family when he has a son. Changing the face and clothes of the prince after leaving the family is also a common theme in both stories. During his several years of travel, he deals with discovery and intuition attaining a high spiritual level. Eventually he returns to his father to invite him to piety and justice.The difference between the two narrations is in the two short anecdotes that are quoted by the prince in the middle of the folk tale. When a marriage proposal is made by the king of a neighboring country and he asks the young man to be his son-in-law, the prince tells two stories to the king and his wife. Raising the marriage proposal by the girl's family is a kind of temptation of the prince with physical pleasures and worldly belongings, which is reflected in the life story of the Buddha, in the form of the manifestations of the beautiful daughters of 'Mara', and their intention is to deceive the prince and awaken his sensual desires. In both versions, the young man emerges with pride. Thus, the asceticism, secularism and religiosity of the prince, as well as his return from the journey and the invitation of his father to justice and truth, are the common themes of both stories. C) - Ethical message This folk tale also contains a moral message that is consistent with the message of the Buddha's narrative. The call to freedom and liberty, learning from the stories of the dead, justice and the establishment of justice are the messages and moral points of both stories. In both narrations, the prince returns to his father and calls him to truth. It is also said that the prince learned theology from the stars, the moon and the rocks and worked hard for many years until he reached a spiritual position. Then he took the skull of a human being from the graveyard and went to his father to remind him the human annihilation and to warn him of oppression.

As a result of this analysis, it became clear that the roots of some folk tales and legends that are current in the language of the people, are myths and legends of ancient myths. These two stories have a lot in common in terms of internal and external. The outline of both narratives is the same. In both stories, there is a kingdom that has no son, he asks God to give him a son. This baby is different from normal babies and walks immediately after birth. Predicting the future is also a common theme in both narratives.Most of the events in the life of the hero of both stories are similar and consistent with each other. What can be considered in this study is the futile attempt of human beings to free themselves from the fate of destiny; as the king makes many arrangements for his son; But he cannot change his predicted destiny. The moral message of both narrations is the same; Independence from the perishable and deceptive world; Effort and struggle to know the truth; and finally, justice and the establishment of justice.Based on the studies, it can be said that the Buddha's narration is broader and more mature than the popular narration of the people of Fasa. The narration of the people of Fasa contains a summary of the whole story of the Buddha, with the difference that also has two instructive short anecdotes in its heart. This analysis led to the following conclusions regarding these two narrations:- The first theory is that these two narrations have no connection with each other and their similarity is completely coincidental. The second theory, which may be closer to reality, is that in the distant past, Buddhism had followers in the land of Persia and the surrounding areas, simultaneously with some regions of the country and as mentioned, with the arrival of Islam in Iran, gradually it is destroyed. In this case, the oral and folklore narrative is the same historical narrative that has changed over the time in some parts.Another theory that cannot be ignored is that this story may have been made elsewhere and entered the area through the migration and movement of people. In Indo-European culture, people had much in common in beliefs and customs; Iran and India have had a similar culture for a long time and there were many exchanges between them for different reasons. It is obvious that each of the people of the neighboring country, by coming, transmitted customs and stories to the destination country; thus, it may be said that this story is a remnant of a story that the Persians in this region heard from Hindu immigrants or Iranians who had been travelling to India.

At the beginning of the tenth century AH by establishment of the safavid dynasty the evolution of architecture and urbanisation in most cities of Iran was appeared and new style of urbanism and Architecture expanded in famous cities like Qazvin and Isfahan which were known as the capital. Moreover, a smaller city such as Kerman changed in Architecture and urbanisation. In Afshar, Zandieh and Qajarieh dynasty, the capital had frequent change and Western urbanization and architecture expanded herein which later influenced the native architecture and as a result, different buildings appeared. Because of its political position and importance, Kerman not only used architectural patterns from the ruling dynasty, but also received influence from special sample and climate condition in the process of shaping the city. The process of reconstruction and expansion of Kerman in safavid period was designed in coordination of the location of city, the methodical and systematic pattern. This was applied by the subsequent dynasty especially Qajar. Various, complicated and relatable factors shaped the structure of architecture and the city iself. The study of possible changes in Kerman structure during the Safavid period can illustrate the differences made in historical system of this city.The research questions that we will answer in this article are as follows:Firstly, what were the Spatial-physical characteristics of Kerman in Safavid period and what was the reason of shape changing in Safavid period in the aforementioned city.Secondly, whether Kerman is designed according to the Esfahan’s patterns of urbanization. It is hypothesized that the structure rules of kerman was based on spatial-physical characteristics of Ganjali Khan and according to this statement the city had changed flourishing and expanding in proportion to the commercial-economic spaces. The structure of Kerman is a bit affected by Isfahan urbanization, but the difference is that the development of Kerman is based on its special condition and communication position.

This study is descriptive, historical and analytic by using library research and studying the available written documents. Through these elements, the structure of the myth will be explained according to the local resource and adapting it to the current condition of city and archaeological data.

In Safavid period, Kerman had four important Spatial-physical characteristics including: 1- Kohandezh (Citadel)  2- Shahr i- no (new city) 3- Masjed Jame no (new Jame Mosque) and 4- districts of the city.In this period, part of some districs had changed. Even though from Safavid period until Shah Abbas I era, there exist few information about the architecture and mentality of Kerman and the developments of this city, but from Shah Abbas era,  this situation changed and different resources pointed out to this city regularly. According to these resources, we can study the changes and later present a general view.The available evidence shows that main expansions and changes in the structure of Kerman in Safavidperiod appeared in Shah Abbas I and Shah Abbas II; however, during Shah Safi and Shah Soleyman these expansions can be traced very rarely.In this period, one can trace the relation between three elements of mosque, citadel and square and their communicative element which is Bazar in different ways from previous periods.In kerman during Safavid period, major changes appeared in the structure of the city, these changes can be examined in several dimensions. First, changes in the structure of city constructing square and its surrounding buildings which were mad by rulers and political faces, and second, the changes made by the general public, such as the construction of districs in the north and south of the city. These changes took place significantly and on a large scale, which caused a new face of Kerman to be appeared in this period. The selection of this part of the city as part of the urban renewal and revitalization by Ganjali Khan had several important reasons. Firstly, due to population movement during the Muzaffarid period, with the construction of the Mosque Jame in the east and the Pamenar Mosque in the north-east, people wanted to go again to the tomb of Turan Shah, which was a holy place and also due to its proximity to Malek Mosque (which may have been the Kerman Grand Mosque before the construction of the Mozaffari Jame Mosque). Secondly, the renovation of places and  districts near Ganjali Khan square has been one of the priorities of urban reconstruction and expansion. The reconstructions of the central south part of the city ( districts around Malek Mosque) have been formed after the square and the buildings around it. This population transfer and revitalization of districts were part of the ambitious and long-term changes that were predictable due to the concentration of facilities and they justified the expansion of the city to the west at this time.The districts of Kerman were divided according to the tribal conflicts in the Safavid period (Mashizi, 1991, p. 389). That is, the east side of the Bazar belongs to one group and the west side of the Bazar to the other groups. This Bazar was known as Khajeh Bazar and led from the east to Tal Shahr quarter and from the west to Pai Katang and Qutbabad quarters, which then reached Ganjali Khan square. It then led south to the Malek Mosque, with the Nemati groups on the west and the Heydari groups on the east. The quarters that before the Safavid period actually formed the ossification of the city of Kerman were Shah Adel quarter in the south of the city, "Masjed-e-Molk" quarter Next to Shah Adel quarter, "Pikecting" quarter in the north of Ganjali Khan complex, "Bazar Qala" quarter in the south of the city "Qutbabad" quarter in the northeast of Ganjali Khan complex, "Mardakan" quarter in the north of the city and near "Gabri" gate, "Khawajajeh" quarter in the north of the city "Zoroastrian" " quarter in the north of the city and outside the city wall and "Kuliha" quarter (in the Kermani dialect of gipsies) in the northwest of Ganjali-Khan complex. During the Safavid period, quarters around the city center created by Ganjali Khan underwent significant changes and transformations. Three quarters in the northern part of Ganjali Khan complex were rebuilt. Sar-e-Tal or Sar-e-Pol quarter in the north-east of the complex (north of Optional Bazaar) and gipsies quarter in north. In Ganjali Khan endowment letter, the location of this quarter is mentioned near Ganjali Khan Caravanserai in the east of the square and it is called "the new quarters of Kerman" (Bastani parizi, 1991 ,p.  128).

During the Safavid period, the city experienced various changes that had a great impact on the growth of the city in this period and later periods. Following the example of Ganjali Khan in insisting on the implementation of his great plan, which he called "New City", lots of changes took place in the design and construction of Kerman, which were also used by the later rulers of the Safavid period in that city. In fact, in this period, the urban communication structure which was previously more north-south changed to west-east, the density of reconstruction of quarters around Ganjali Khan complex and especially "North Shahr-e- no" were more significant.About forty years later, this construction density was formed in the southern part of the complex, close to the southern communication road to the Ganjali Khan complex and also close to the government citadel. The construction of the East-West Bazar which took place during the reign of Shah Abbas I and during the reign of Ganjali Khan, was a sign of very extensive and long-term changes in the creation of a new city initiated firstly by the construction Ganjali Khan complex.

Seljuk Turks’s conquest was followed by establishing a new political regime in Iran. In the case of organizing their territory, they were neither adhering absolutely to their ancestors’ social-political tradition which was dispersal of power, nor imitating completely Persian-Islamic landowning. This tribe wanted a political system which was capable of maintaining and organizing that vast territory, thereby they used Persian-Islamic doctrines to establish a centralized government; however, they must respect their ancestral traditions for satisfaction of their Turkmen citizens. Accordingly, they ceded parts of their territory to other Turkish princes. In such a political structure, the ruling kingdoms of the provinces constantly tried to rebel against the great sultan to seize his position based on the ethnic traditions of the Turks. Throughout the Seljuk rule over Iran, such events occurred several times. Although the great Seljuk sultans succeeded in suppressing these revolts on several occasions, Sultan Sanjar was finally able to break the traditions for the first time since the establishment of the Seljuk government, defeating the great sultan of the time - Mahmud ibn Muhammad - at the Battle of Saveh and replaced him in throne.

This study has been done with historical method. The required information was achieved by library study as well as referencing to main relative subject. Afterward, that information reviewed and criticized. Finally, the data which their accuracy confirmed, were written in a descriptive-analytical manner for the purpose of the research.

The Great Seljuk sultans, according to their governing strategy, appointed some members of their family to rule those states. Sanjar was one of these people who were appointed to rule Khorasan in 490 AH by Sultan Barkiarq. From then until 513 AH, when he defeated Sultan Mahmud in the battle of Saveh, Sanjar established relationship with the Great Seljuk sultans as a servitor of the central government. The most important factor in establishing these relations was the conflict between Barkiarq and Muhammad to gain the position of the great Seljuk sultan, in which Sanjar participated in favor of his brother-in-law, Muhammad. After the death of Sultan Barkiarq, Sanjar adopted a friendly strategy in relation to his brother Muhammad, who had ascended to the throne, and waited for the right time to elevate his position from Malik to Sultan. This situation was provided after the death of Sultan Mohammad and the beginning of the reign of his son Mahmud, and its consequences were determined during the battle of Saveh.Sanjar's sultanate which manifested in the outbreak of the Saveh war was the result of three factors. The first was Sanjar's great power. During the seigniory over Khorasan, while suppressing the claimants of power, he was able to achieve great wealth and power by continuing the Seljuk domination of Transoxiana and paying tribute to the Ghaznavids; on the eve of the battle of Saveh, he had a significant advantage over Sultan Mahmud. The second factor in the occurrence of this battle was Sanjar's reference to the political and social traditions of the Turks. According to these traditions, the sultanate passed to the senior member of the ruling family.Sanjar, who considered himself the elder of the Seljuk dynasty, based on this principle, believed that despite him, Mahmoud Nojavan did not deserve to hold this position. Finally, the third factor that gave Sanjar a good excuse to confront Sultan Mahmud was Mahmoud's inability to control the situation and manage the affairs of the sultanate. The fact was that Sultan Mahmud was dominated by those around him due to his inexperience and could not resolve the affairs of the sultanate properly. During the battle which took place in Saveh in 513 AH, Sanjar, who had prepared accurately and extensively for this war, succeeded in taking advantage of Sultan Mahmud's incorrect defense strategies as well as disagreement of his army commanders, and achieved an important victory. The battle of Saveh caused the sultanate to be transferred from Ajam Iraq and central Iran to the city of Merv in Khorasan. Subsequently, the status of the former great Seljuk sultans was reduced to an obedient  estates, and Sanjar, who was Malik prior to this event, became the Great Sultan. In proportion to the significant change in the power structure, relationships between the parties also underwent fundamental changes. Before the battle of Saveh, Sanjar, by his capacity as a king and from a low position, communicated with the great Seljuk sultans, after this war he became the Grand Sultan.Sanjar continued to give parts of the territory to Mahmud and his successors and indirectly supervised their affairs. During this period, factors such as Abbasid Caliphate, the struggles of numerous Seljuk princes for the throne of Iraq, the internal and external enemies of Sultan Sanjar and the rivalry of military rulers stationed in Iraq, led to the formation of relationship between Sultan Sanjar and Iraqi Seljuks. These factors, commensurate with their nature, played a dual role in the relationship between the parties. This means that in some cases they caused friendship, while they caused enmity in other cases. 

The political structure of the Seljuk government was a combination of the political and social traditions of the Turks and the pattern of Iranian-Islamic property. Turkic political traditions gave rise to centrifugal tendencies, and the Iranian-Islamic property model emphasized the concentration of power. Such a conflict led to repeated conflicts between the Seljuk central government and those obedient rulers. One of the most important of these conflicts was the battle of Saveh, which took place in 513 AH between Malik Sanjar and Sultan Mahmud. In the period before this battle, Sanjar established relationships with the Seljuk court from a low position as a Malik. Although Sanjar had an almost independent strategy of governing the territory during this period, he ostensibly considered himself obedient to the central government.He succeeded in gaining a lot of power over the land of Khorasan during the period of the seugniory, which lasted from 490 to 513 AH. This great power allowed Sanjar to claim the sultanate in appropriate circumstances after the death of Sultan Muhammad I, relying on the political and social traditions of the Turks in the field of entitlement of a senior member of the ruling family to seize the throne and Sultan Mahmud's inability to run affairs. Such factors provided the grounds for conflict between the parties in the battle of Saveh. Sultan Mahmud was defeated by the powerful Sanjar Corps due to adopting the wrong military strategy and differences of command.The Battle of Saveh resulted in the transfer of the sultanate from the central Iran and Ajam Iraq to Khorasan. This battle led to the formation of a new local dynasty called the Iraqi Seljuks. Another important consequence of this battle was a change in relations between the two sides. In the post-war period until Sanjar's death in 552 AH, the Iraqi Seljuks were a local dynasty headed by Sanjar, and Sanjar indirectly supervised their situation. Factors such as the institution of the Abbasid Caliphate, the internal and external enemies of Sanjar, and the internal conflicts of the Iraqi Seljuks caused the relations between the parties which were friendship in some cases and enmities in other cases.
 

This paper aims to investigate the commonly used, symbolic and visual metaphor “Chang” (Persian Harp) in Persian poetry. After reviewing the works of Persian poets, written from the 4th century AH to the present day, we found out that the word “Chang”, which originally refers to a musical instrument (Harp), has taken on different connotations throughout the history of literary styles and movements. Some of these connotations have been internalized by Persian poets and widely used by different historical schools of poetry and are still used in the works of contemporary poets. Among the various connotations of “Chang”, the concept of “senescence” is applied mostly. Using the cognitive theory of contemporary metaphor, in this article, the multiple related meanings of the literary term “Chang” and its visual schema in verses with analogical or metaphorical phrases will be analyzed.

This research was conducted using a documentary analysis method and the qualitative analysis of the documentary. The data were collected through a desk research method. Also, the sample sentences were gathered from anthologies of greatest poets from the 4th century to the present day. In this regard, the various conceptualizations of “Chang” were examined and then, their metaphorical connotations were extracted and classified. It is worth noting that the literal sense of the word “Chang” (the musical instrument) is not considered here and the analysis is limited to the analogical or metaphorical aspects of the aforementioned term.

The musical instruments, as represented in literary works of different cultures and ethnicities, convey certain cultural codes and represent various symbolic meanings. By studying the use of musical instruments in the literature, myths or folklores of a culture, one can understand what beliefs it represents and what messages it transports to future generations. Persian poets have portrayed the word “Chang” through dynamic images and figures of speech. For Persian poets, “Chang” was not an inanimate object, but rather an animated creature. Due to its curved shape, Persian Harp (Chang) is also recognized as “arched Harp”. This exceptional aspect of Iranian harp, has inspired great Persian poets to create countless numbers of similes and metaphors. “Synesthesia”, as Europeans call it, is a rhetorical device through which one can describe a sense in terms of another and is capable to convey a wide range of meanings (Shafiei Kadkani, 1991, p. 271). Among senses engaged in “synesthesia”, the sense of sight (visual perception) has a high potential to express the figure, size and color of the objects. The point of resemblance between “Chang” and the hunchbacked elderlies has to do with its appearance: Persian “Chang” is curved and because of this quality, many Persian poets have made a resemblance between this musical instrument and the elderlies’ curved back.Also, the concept has been used in opposition to the upright posture of the young. Furthermore, the curvature of “Chang” has been applied as a metaphor to describe the imaginary resemblance between the elderly and firmament. Percepting time as an object is another example of metaphorizing a metaphysical idea (Golfam and Zafaranloo, 2009, p. 124). Here, Chang is an object which, due to its curved structure, bears a resemblance to an old person (time as an old experienced elderly).Also, the concept has been used in opposition to the upright posture of the young. Furthermore, the curvature of “Chang” has been applied as a metaphor to describe the imaginary resemblance between the elderly and firmament. Percepting time as an object is another example of metaphorizing a metaphysical idea (Golfam and Zafaranloo, 2009, p. 124). Here, Chang is an object which, due to its curved structure, bears a resemblance to an old person (time as an old experienced elderly).Making a comparison between the curvature of “Chang” and the curved elderly, was started in the course of 6th AH. There are hardly any examples of such comparisons in poems from 4th and 5th century AH. The first generation of the Persian poets, such as Rudaki and Ferdowsi, used “Chang” in a literal sense and the figurative usage of the term was rare during this era. It is noteworthy that during 5th century, poets were more inclined to use metaphors and similes, but using “Chang” as a figure of speech was still infrequent. However, in the course of the 6th and 7th AH centuries, analogizing “Chang” to senescence became popular among poets and emerged to be the source of several splendid literary images. Khaqani Shervani, one of the greatest poets in 6th century, is well known for creating splendid Chang-related images. During the 8th and 9th centuries, sonneteers like Hafez and Jami invented novel metaphors and in doing so, they added more creative concepts to the old image of “Chang” as an old person with a hunchback. In fact, by mapping the curvature of Chang to the concept of old firmament, they coined a new metaphor. Persian poets of the 13th century reproduced the same metaphors and similes in their works.For the 7th century poets, “Chang” played the role of a spiritual advisor, a concept that was replicated in the poetry of the next generation (for example in Hafez’s sonnets). Traditional Persian poets claimed that the stature of “Chang” is arched because it is sad and because it has been mourning for it’s separated beloved for a long time. Such conceptualization started from the poetry school in the 5th century. The other poetical cause attributed to the curved structure of “Chang” has to do with its humiliation and its posture that brings to mind a servant who is bowing to his master or is bowing respectfully. These concepts have been frequently used in Sanai and Saadi’s poetry. In several Persian works, “Chang” is depicted as a company for wine. In some couplets, “Chang” is described as a sincere person who contrasts hypocritical piety. In order to play a “Chang”, a musician should embrace it. Many poets mentioned this unique characteristic in their poems and described it as a characteristic which distinguishes “Chang” from other musical instruments.

In this study, the polysemic functions of a literary concept (i.e., Chang) and its schema were analyzed through a contemporary approach to cognitive metaphor. In Persian poetry, “Chang” is portrayed as an animated creature and even as human being. To transfer this imaginary interpretation, poets have utilized similes and metaphors. These concepts have repeatedly appeared throughout the history of poetry style and have reoccurred in the contemporary poetry discourse. Similes and metaphors for “Chang”, are generally related to human’s sense of sight.The schemas of “Chang”, represented throughout different eras of Persian poetry, are divided into three categories. Among these, the most important one is the resemblance between the arched structure of “Chang” and the curved stature of an elderly man. The concept of “Chang” as an old person, has given rise to other imaginary concepts including: “Chang” as an old firmament and as an elderly who gives advice to the young.The other similes or metaphors that are stemmed from the concept of the curved “Chang” are as follows: the curvature of a sorrowful lover that is far from his beloved; the curvature of a humiliated person; the curvature of a servant; the curvature of a servant who is bowing to his master or is bowing respectfully. Other figures of speech about “Chang” have to do with other characteristics of this musical instrument; for example, the resemblance between the strings and the beloved’s lock of hair or vise versa, the resemblance between the poor material of its horizontal foot with the ragged garment of a poor dervish, the opposition of the poor material that covers the columns of a “Chang” and the silk strings which represent an image of two faced or hypocrite people.Also, there are several examples in Persian literature that depict the truthfulness of “Chang” against the insincerity of the pious people. Persian literature is replete with images in which the aforementioned musical instrument is depicted as somebody whose hair is tonsured. Finally, Persian poets have referred to the way a musician holds a “Chang”, claiming that this quality shows the superiority of “Chang” over other musical instruments.

Mysterious story of Lulies and Kowlies (different types of Gypsies) is very exciting in history. In the literature of nations, they have always been under the focus of people and poets inspiring them in their works. These happy, singing, wandering people have always been a source of entertainment and joy for the people. Maybe that’s why some people consider gypsies as Kabulis. Gypsies are scattered all over Iran and are known by different names. This study investigates the social status of these musicians Luli in Persian proverbs.

The research method is descriptive and analytical. To do this research, we used the book Encyclopedia of Persian Proverbs (Zolfaghari, 2009) and selected two hundred Persian proverbs from a total of one hundred thousand proverbs. Based on the extracted proverbs then, we examined the status of Lulies and Kowlies among the people. Apart from this, and where ever deemed necessary, we also referred to the poets’ written stories and literature and poems.

According to an ancient legend, Bahram-E-Gour ordered to bring one thousand Rameshgar (Minstrel) from India to Iran, according to Ferdowsi. But Tha’labi and Nizami mentioned the number as four thousand and six thousand respectively. Kowlies are considered the remnants of past Gousans (See Boyce and George Farmer, 1989: 243). It should be said that Gousan is a noun that means minstrel. The Gousans were traveling poets, musicians, narrators of national stories of Iran, kings’ entertainers, and were respected among the people of their community. The best, most famous, and most masterful Gousans used to enter the houses of the nobles and the court of kings. They have been in Iran since ancient times. The difference between the famous court Gousans and the wandering Gousans was that “in addition to better singing and playing, they also used to be a poet, or they had become masters in poetry and possibly had known calligraphy.” (Khaleghi Motlagh, 2007: 24). But as we will see, the Kowlies were among the people and were not very respected. Unlike Gousans, Kowlies were not narrators of ethnic stories; they entertained people with dancing and singing in celebrations. Kowlies used to live in different areas of Iran and were known as the following names:Pahlavan: Local musicians and players in BalouchestanToushmal: Music players in Bakhtiari tribe and Lori communities of Toushmal.Jat: The cameleers of Balouchestan who are also gypsies.Jouki: Living in Mazandaran and Gorgan. They were nomads and mostly engaged in smithy.Changi: Music players of Korna, Naghareh, Sorna in Ghashghayi tribe who were also gypsies.Kharat: Music players in Kermanshah, as Kharat was used to make Tonbak, Dohol, Sorna, Normeh Nay.Deli: Nomads in Lorestan who gather corn and harvest while singing in Lori.Domi: Gypsies of India who immigrated to the west of Iran and live in Lorestan.Zargar: Also known as Romanlo or Romano, who are gypsies of Ghazvin.Sazeneh, Sazandeh or Hindi: Music players of Lori-Bakhtiari language.Sozmani: Gypsy dancers who used to live in Sanandaj and Kermanshah. Ladies were dancers, and men used to play music and sing.Ghorbati: A title for gypsies from India in Khorasan. They were foreigners for the people. In Kerman, gypsies are also known as Ghorbati.Fioj: A common Arab group in south Khorasan near Birjand, Ghaen, Gonabad, Torbat Heidarieh, Kashmar, andKhavaf.Gharachi: A term for dark-skinned people which was used for Turks.Ghorshomar: Gypsies of Khoarasn who were also known as Ghorshomal, Ghorbati, Ghorbat, Nafar, Fioj who used to sell iron and screening devices.Kaseb: In northern Khorasan, the lady partners were called Kaseb or Jat. they were Shia. They were mostly working in the industry.Goodar/Godar: Originally Indian and dark-skinned living in Mazandaran and playing music.Goorooni: In Lorestan, the gypsies are categorized into Louti and Goorooni.Louti: In Lorestan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam, Mazandaran, and Khorasan, they were music players.Louri: Nomad music players in Sistan who learned playing from their ancestors.Mehtar: Music players of Kohkeluye who were gypsies.Mirshekal: Music players of Bakhtiari tribe.Lulies and Kowlies are an integral part of Iranian culture. And in all societies they are engaged in dancing, acting, singing, divination, blacksmithing and carpentry. The behavior of these Lulies has been reflected in Persian proverbs and poems of poets. Kowlies can not be considered the survivors of Gousans. Gousans were well-respected poets, musicians, narrators of Iranian national stories, entertaining kings and the people of their community. But the Kowlies were among the people and were not highly respected. People do not like Lulies because of their hatred behavior. This hatred is reflected in two hundred Persian poems and dozens of poems by poets. In Persian proverbs, more attention has been paid to the bad behaviors and negative aspects of Lulies and Kowlies. Still, in classical poems, their positive aspects of charm and happiness are emphasized. Although Lulies and Kowlies are synonymous, Luli has a subtle and feminine use, but not Kowli.

Lulies have entered Persian literature with their musical instruments and socio-cultural characteristics. Kowlies are omnipotent. They work as bath workers, singers, blacksmithing, and coppersmithing and are skilled in many jobs. The main occupations of Kowlies, which are reflected in Persian proverbs and poems, are:Singing, playing, and dancing: This group, as the custodians of traditional music, used to participate in celebrations such as weddings and circumcisions, Nowruz celebrations, mourning ceremonies and used to earn money by playing songs.Mareke-Giri (Street Performance): One of Mareke-Giri types was swaying, as in the parable of “Swaying in front of a Kowli is a mistake.”Theft and robbery: They are known for theft and robbery. The term “loti-khor” refers to the same behavior of the Kowlies, equivalent to lifting. Rumi mentions the attribute of their theft a lot: (Rumi: 1378: 883)Fortune-telling: Fortune-telling was mainly the work of gypsy women. In the poetry of contemporary poets, the beauty, fortune-telling, and travels of gypsy girls are reflected.Prostitution: Some Luli women are sometimes known as prostitutes. The owner of Anandraj considered Lolikhaneh (Place of Lulies) to be synonymous with Whorehouse.Sieve Maker: It is in the parable: “He stopped the sieve in front of the gypsy and said, ‘How do you see me?’ “As you see me,” he said.Sale of medicinal plants: They cast spells or sell magic spells to make girls'' fortune brilliant and happy.

Rituals are an integral part of any society's culture. In today's modern world, human beings are still dominated by religions and beliefs that have their roots in the distant past, and according to Karl Jaspers, human beings today are still indebted to a pivotal period in history; A period in which the ancient religions of the world emerged from the corners of the world in almost a single period and have affected our lives to this day (Jasper, 1998, p. 55). In our society, Rituals, especially mourning Rituals, are formed from pieces of ancient Iran, Islamic culture, and modern world ideas, which have a certain breadth and dynamism and affect a large part of our behavior (Moradkhani and Ghobadi, 2011, p.94). In Dezful city, every year we see rituals that carry a special meaning for the people of each nation. One of these rituals is the Kotal ritual, which is common among the Bakhtiari Tribe living in this city. The present study seeks to answer the questions in a phenomenological way: when does the historical and mythological background of this religion date back to? How is it implemented? What is the experience of people participating in this ritual? How do they understand its meaning and understanding?

The present research has utilized a qualitative approach and phenomenological method. The studied population includes 17 people who participated in this ritual between 2015 and 2019. Data were collected using the in-depth interview and purposive sampling methods. For the data analysis, the participants' statements were first recorded and implemented, then carefully listened to and studied several times by the researcher.

Findings showed that social identity is the product of interactions between different groups. Through rituals, people interact with each other and provide themselves with a fixed identity and point of reliance amid inconsistencies and beliefs, thereby obtaining a sense of identity through getting to know themselves. In this regard, the actions and rites that people perform in this ritual cause their thoughts and beliefs to be connected and aligned. It also creates a kind of social contract in which individuals, through voluntary cooperation, express their efforts to flourish their capabilities for the benefit of the organization or community. Finally, participants believe that in addition to joy and happiness, life also has sufferings and difficulties. Participation in this religion causes the formation of faith in human beings and by interpreting bitterness correctly, it sweetens it, and by leading humans to believe in the resurrection, any pain and suffering inflicted by nature or others, the Almighty God will make up for it in a different way.

The findings show that this ritual goes back to the mourning of Siavash, which is especially evident in the ritual of burying the dead. Participants experience a sense of peace of mind by standing together and guarding their social identity; accordingly, society will seek to maintain identity patterns by expanding the social space and removing social barriers and restrictions for different social strata. Despite valuing sorrow, grief, and suffering, the Kotal ritual has institutionalized social and cultural relations and connects generations, passing beliefs, rituals, and oral literature from the past to the present. Participants' behaviors, practices, and etiquettes during the ritual play a meaningful role in the participants' lives. Overally, the participation of the goal community in the Kotal ritual has a mythological-historical background. With voluntary and spontaneous participation in these rituals, participants seek to give meaning to life while seeking and identifying with their peers.  This group of people also strengthens their resilience and tolerance in the face of life's difficulties. In addition, creating unity and strengthening the spirit of solidarity is one of the social functions of individuals' participation in collective rituals and ceremonies; the continuity of Kotal ritual is the proof of this claim.

Jiroft civilization dating back five thousand years is one of the most magnificent civilization of Iran, which was discovered and recorded in 2001. After some time it was considered by archaeologists. Most of the remains of the Jiroft civilization relate to the sculptures of chlorite objects, which are represented by a variety of motifs, including the monument, plant, human, animal, fantastic and sometimes they are adorned in stone. Among these motifs, the role of the scorpion, after the role of the snake, was the most prevalent among the people of this civilization. This role is depicted in both a natural and an imaginary form, in which the imaginary type is seen in combination with human beings. Among the motifs of Jiroft's imaginary creatures, the role of scorpion-man has the highest value, signifying its special place both conceptually and mythically. In this article, according to the position of the scorpion, the works in Jiroft are analyzed. The purpose of this research is to study the role of scorpions in iconography. Iconography is a method of interpreting the history of culture and the art that reveals the cultural, social, and historical backgrounds of themes and patterns in the visual arts. For this purpose, a descriptive-analytical method was used to collect data in both field and documentary methods. The result of the research studied the iconic aspects of the scorpion role and finally analyzed the findings by bringing the designs in the table and drawing the designs.

The research has a descriptive-analytical nature and has been conducted by the library-based methods. Among the works discovered in Jiroft, the statistical population under study has been selected and analyzed from "Jiroft, the Most Ancient Civilization of the East" written by Dr. Yousef Majid Zadeh and "Work Treasure of Jiroft" by Sedigheh Piran.

The ancient man created the animals from mud, stone and metal based on his beliefs and religion respecting and worshiping them. They were sometimes worshiped and revered as totems or ancestors and sometimes because of their natural beauty and power. In Iran, the identity of the animal motifs has undoubtedly been influenced by the environmental conditions, culture and religion of each tribe. Animal motifs can be divided into the symbolic domestic animals, the animals that were the symbols of power, belief and religion and the sacred animals that were worshiped as gods. One of the emerging civilizations in the Iranian plateau is Jiroft civilization, which was discovered in 2001. Among the animals which are a symbol of power and are rooted in the beliefs of Jiroft’s people, we can mention the scorpion.Jean Perrot believes that the people did not use human faces in drawing motifs, but they used the creatures which were superior to the human in the third millennium BC, hybrid creatures are an example for it. In fact, these individuals displayed the divine superiority existed in their minds by some symbols. In the scorpion-man motif in the works of Jiroft, the upper parts of all men's bodies are naked and the skirts have been fastened to the waist by the large scarfs like the Sumerian figures. Without exception, they have long hair extending from the back to the waist. Archaeologists believe that some parts of Gilgamesh narrative had happened in Jiroft and it is likely that its origin also belongs to this area. The word scorpion has been mentioned as Kharfster in Avesta. Among the works obtained from the Jiroft civilization that are related to the role of the scorpion, we encounter three types of icon, symbolic and index signs. Hence, Pierce believes that: “There are three types of signs: first, similarities or icons; they give images of what they are doing simply by imitating them. Second, indicators or indexes; which they imply through physical contact with things. Third, general symbols or signs, which are linked to their meanings through use”(Sojudi, 2003, p. 33).The role of the scorpion in the artifacts discovered from Jiroft is in the form of a connection between the animal and its abdomen and it is designed as a part of the abdomen. It comes out of the head of both arms and at the end of each arm, there is a plier’s image. The abdomen of this animal is 7 rings and the tail is in 6 pieces and the last piece of tail has sting. In each part of the body, there exist 4 legs, which are also very delicate and thin. These legs are in the shape of a wing tip. The skeleton of this animal is depicted with straight grooves, or zigzag row. Moreover, the statistical population of this study is a selection of objects discovered with the role of scorpions and scorpion-man that have been analyzed and studied. For better readability of the motif on the dishes, they were first drawn linearly by the author and then analyzed.

Undoubtedly, we cannot still analyze the art of Jiroft completely. Among these are the examples of the scripts that are not readable at present and the objects whose usage have not yet been identified. However, the study of the motifs remained in Jiroft civilization reveals that they were substantive among the people of that era. Applying the artistic details and skills of the creators is the outcome of a careful observation and indicates the animals that existed around them. At the same time, the artists’ power of imagination in portraying the imaginary creatures is also notable. The imagination that created the images can be considered as the outcome of the people's beliefs in this land. The beliefs that have been drawn symbolically relying on the physical powers of these animals, present creative images of the conquest of the powers of these creatures. The existence of epic figures of both human and supernatural creature which control the threatening forces and were created in Halil Rud district in the mythology of the peoples in the Bronze Age. The conflicts that are not ordinary and have special meanings that we may never understand. According to the statistical population, usually the scorpion-man has been defeated in the conflicts between scorpion-man with the man or man-cow and man-lion. Therefore, the hypothesis of the myths and Avestan texts about the scorpion associated with the underworld which is one of the devilish symbols is more probable in these scenes. But on the dishes that are seen naturally or in combination alone, one can imagine the hypothesis of reverence and respect for this creature and or its relation to the concept of fertility and marital bond. In any case, the source of this motif is rooted in the people's beliefs and opinions in Jiroft and other neighboring civilizations. The statistics shows that the scorpion-human motif among the other hybrid and imaginary creatures is the only motif that can be seen alone, face to face and or with other creatures. This issue also increases the importance of the afore-mentioned motif.

One of the most important tools for studying the history and culture of any nation or tribe is to recognize the language and linguistic materials of that nation. Linguistic data can be divided into written and unwritten or oral. The amount of written data has constantly fluctuated in different historical periods for various reasons, and it is sometimes much and sometimes very little. Unwritten linguistic data, although much more than written data, do not receive much especial attention because they are not written down. For the unwritten linguistic data, we can mention songs, poems, proverbs, stories and in general what is related to oral literature. Place names or geographical names are other linguistic data that are often unwritten and usually older than others. Apartfrom being historically and culturally valuable, these place names can also be considered in linguistic studies, and by examining them, various information from different linguistic and non-linguistic aspects can be obtained.The science that examines place names from a historical, geographical, and especially linguistic point of view is called toponymy. The study of toponyms is important since it can provide valuable information in recognizing the anthropological and cultural characteristics of ethnic groups and it can also explain the role of social, geographical, ethnic, political, religious, etc. observations in naming places. In general, there are three main characteristics in any toponym or geographical name: 1) geographical location, 2) historical background, 3) linguistic structure and concept. Thus, toponymy interacts with other sciences such as geography, history, archeology, linguistics and anthropology. In general, based on the type and species, the place names are divided into the following categories: 1) oykonyms or place names that refer to residential areas. 2) hydronyms or place names that are used to name geographical features related to water, such as rud ‘river’, čašme ‘spring’, daryâ ‘sea’, etc.  3) uronyms or place names that are used to name the elevation of the earth, such as kuh ‘mountain’, tappe ‘hill’, dašt ‘plain’, etc. (Refahi Alamdari, 2015, p. 98; Ahdian and Bakhtiari, 2009, p. 185).

In the study of languages and dialects, place names are of special importance, because these names are usually taken from the local languages of the same region and are part of the spiritual and cultural heritage of the people living in those areas. Undoubtedly, their scientific study, in addition to their linguistic value, is very effective in recognizing the historical identity of the ethnic groups living in those areas and in understanding the way of thinking and view of the people who coined and used these names. Most of the toponyms are oykonyms or the names of residential areas. Some researches have been published about oykonyms so far, but most of these studies are dedicated to the etymology and derivation of these words and the basic words seen in the complex oykonyms structure have been less studied.In this article, it is tried to study and analyze similar basic words in oykonyms which are related to nature and natural phenomena. Certainly, the analysis of common words in oykonyms is as valuable as the study of affixes and topoformants used in these words, but so far they have not been properly studied. So far, no independent work on the subject of this article, i.e., words related to nature and natural phenomena in Iranian oykonyms, has been published.

From the very beginning of creation, man has been in close contact with nature and its phenomena and components, and this deep connection and the impact that nature has on human life, and sometimes it is beyond his understanding, has led him to sanctify some components of nature. This sacredness is mainly focused on the sky and what is happening in it on the one hand, and on the other hand it is concentrated on the earth and its related issues.The earth and its natural features were also sacred in the human mind, and sometimes the inaccessible or lesser-known parts of the earth were known as the place of the gods. From the beginning, these attributes led to the use of the words related to heaven and earth in naming new places where human beings lived. Although the earth and the sky did not have that initial sanctity in the human mind, because human life was completely dependent on them, the use of the words of these two areas in new names continued and is still common today.In Zoroastrianism, the sky is the first tangible creature of Ohrmazd. In most Zoroastrian texts it is stated that the sky is made of stone, but due to the brightness of the sky, it is also said it was made of metal. The sky was mostly considered to have four bases or divisions, as follows: the star, the moon, the sun, and the infinite light bases. Of course, under the influence of Babylonian astronomy, Zoroastrians have sometimes considered seven levels for the sky (Tafazzoli, 2004, p. 365).In the Islamic era, the sky has been considered as a kind of sanctity and in some verses of the Quran, the sky has been used to mean the spiritual world and the kingdom of heaven (Mojtahed Shabestari, 1995,p. 363). The most important feature of the earth attracted human attention is its fertility, which is why it is sanctified in human thought. In Zoroastrianism, the earth was divided into seven parts or countries and apparently had three floors. Also, in various parts of Bundahiš, various topics have been mentioned about the creation of the earth, mountains and rivers and their duties (Afifi, 2004, p. 545-547).In naming modern Iranian oykonyms, both the name of the sky and the names of the objects and phenomena seen in the sky have been used, as well as the name of the earth and the natural features on it. Of course, the use of words related to earth is much more common in oykonyms. This kind of naming has a long history, and it should not be considered as a new topic. In ancient Iran, naming places with the names of words related to nature was common, but because we do not have many texts, we have little evidence in this regard. In the Zoroastrian beliefs of ancient Iran, nature and its components were sacred and were under the protection of God. Naturally, such beliefs could influence the naming of their places of residence. Unfortunately, due to the shortage of written materials from ancient Iran, this can not be sufficiently and thoroughly studied, but the few oykonyms left in the written sources, both primary and secondary, show that such names were common in ancient Iran.Unfortunately, in the surviving texts from ancient Iran, there are very few oykonyms in which the words related to the sky are used. Meanwhile, the name of the sky has no evidence in the oykonyms, but there is evidence of the name of celestial bodies. One of the oykonyms in which the name of one of the celestial bodies is mentioned is the word pātišuvari- ‘the people of Pātišuvar’. The oykonym Pātišuvar is composed of the two components pātiš ‘towards, in front of’ and uvar- ‘sun’ and on the whole it means ‘lying towards the sun’ (Tavernier, 2007, p. 29). Apparently, the place name Padišxwārgar in the Sassanid era is a remnant of this form of Old Persian (Schmitt, 2014: 233).In modern Iranian oykonyms, the use of words related to the field of nature is quite common, but even today, words related to land and natural features on it have a higher frequency in making toponyms. These words are used both in derivation and in combination with topoformants in Iranian oykonyms. This research examined the oykonyms made with words related to nature in two parts: words related to the sky, celestial bodies and phenomena, and words related to the earth and natural features on it.

In Iranian oykonyms, both complex and derivative, there are common basic words that can be divided into different categories. Among the common basic words in Iranian oykonyms, we can mention the words of the field of nature. The use of the natural words in toponyms have a long history, and it can generally be classified into two areas: sky and earth. The frequency and use of these words in oykonyms are different and in addition to Persian words, they also include words from local languages. These words are used in different ways in oykonyms and different features are seen in their construction. One of the interesting features in these oykonyms is the accompanying of two words from the field of nature next to each other, which sometimes may even belong to two different languages in Iran. For example, in the oykonym Âsmân-Bulâghi, the word Âsmân ‘sky’, which is a Persian word related to the field of the sky, is accompanied by the word Bulâghi ‘spring’, which is a Turkish word from the field of words related to the earth. In general, words related to the two fields of sky and earth are morphologically associated with a lot of names, adjectives, and numbers, and semantically with different categories, and can form a single oykonym.

Qalat Islamabad building is located in Fahraj city, at the eastern end of Kerman province, on the outskirts of southern Lut Desert, in the coordinates of 47.480 ° 28 'north latitude, 7.008 ° 59' east longitude and 550 m above sea level. The region has a hot and dry climate, irregular and low rainfall, severe temperature differences day and night and sandstorms. Fahraj is adjacent to Sistan and Baluchestan and South Khorasan. Historical geographical texts of the early and middle Islamic centuries have repeatedly mentioned Fahraj among habitable cities on the edge of the desert. Qalat Islamabad monument was identified during archeological studies of Bam cultural landscape in 2013. In the present study, which was conducted in field and library methods, the architecture of the building was studied. One of the objectives of this study was to determine the use and the possible date of building construction.

The method of research in this paper is descriptive-analytical and data collection has been established by conducting a field survey and studying written documents.

This building is located on a hill with a height of 3.60 m above ground level. The general plan is square with the dimensions of 17 × 17 meters. The main components of this building are a room in the center, twin porches on the west and east sides, a single porch on the north side, an entrance on the south side, four spaces in the four corners of the building and a perimeter corridor. This building has some deviations from the north axis and is slightly inclined to the west. The central room is square with dimensions of 4.70 × 4.70 m. The cover of this space has completely collapsed and no information about it is available. On the east and west sides of the central room, two arches are built symmetrically. The depth of these arches is 40 cm, the width of the arches is 130 cm and the existing height is 1.5 m. On the north side of the central room, an arch similar to the other two sides has been built, with the difference that there is a door in one corner that leads to the north porch. All the spaces around the central room have access to the central room through doorways. The main entrance is on the south side, which leads to the central room. The width of this entrance is 172 cm on the exterior and 156 cm at the end and entrance to the central room. Most of the cover of this entrance gate has collapsed and there are few traces of its entrance. On both sides of the entrance, two pairs of arches are symmetrically installed on the south side. The map of this part of the building is reminiscent of the entrance porch of Firoozabad Palace. However, it varies in dimension and size. There is a porch in the middle of the exterior of the north side. The width of this porch is 1.72 m and its depth is at least 2.18 m. There is a doorway in the end corner of this porch that leads to the central room. The roof of this porch has completely collapsed. The twin porches are one of the most prominent parts of the building. These porches are built symmetrically on the east and west sides. The width of the opening of each porch is 2.40 m and its depth is nearly 2 m. The current height of the porches is 2.5 m. The only remaining coverings of the building are on the west porches and a little on the east side. The coverage of each porch is covered with an arch in the shape of a Oval(Shaljami). At the end of each porch, there is a door that leads to the central room and is located symmetrically on both sides of the arches on the east and west sides of the central room. The cover of these doorways is triangular and made of large bricks. Parts of a corridor can be observed on the east side of the building, and the width of this atrium is 90 cm. Parts of the outer wall of the corridor with a length of 6.80 m and a height of 2.30 m are still standing. This wall is built along the eastern side of the building. The scattered remnants of this corridor on other sides indicate that a vestibule probably surrounded the building. The materials used in the construction of the building are the clay.The dimensions of the bricks used in the construction of the building are 40 cm and its thickness is 10 to 9 cm. The dimensions of the bricks in the triangular cover of the gates are 43 to 45 cm. The northeast corner is a room with a rectangular plan and dimensions of approximately 2.5 m. The northwest corner appears to be symmetrical to the northeast corner; however, the position of the south corner corners is not clear. In the right corner of each space, there is a door that leads to the central room. Some instances of it can be observed in the facades of Sarvestan and Firoozabad palaces, in Sassanid works left from Kuh-e Khwaja and the largest example of it can be observed in the Oval (Shaljami) arch of Taq-e Kasra.

The plan of the Islamabad building is comparable to that of buildings such as; Rahimabad pavilion located a short distance from Qalat in Islamabad, Vandadeh fire temple in Meymeh of Isfahan and Chahartaghi north of Ardakan in Yazd from the Sassanid period. The plan of this rectangular building is the center of the central dome building with four equal porches in four main directions and perpendicular to the central space with a slight difference has a similar structure to Qalat Islamabad. In addition, the central pavilion of the  Lashkari bazaar in Ghazni has a similar plan. This building belongs to the Ghaznavid period and the fourth century AH. The general plan of the Islamabad building is also comparable to the map of some palaces and residences of the nobility of the third to fifth centuries AH in Marv city. The building of Islamabad may be the remains of a palace from the Sassanid period. However, what makes this use questionable is the possible corridor around the building. The rest of the corridor stretches along the east side in front of the twin porches. The corridor is one of the features of the religious architecture of the Sassanid period. Although it may have been just one way. Furthermore, the corridor can be seen in works such as the fire temple of Kuh-e Khwaja with late Parthian and early Sassanid history. Kuh-e Khwaja Fire Temple, Tal-e Jangi and Konar Siah are some examples of fire temples with corridors from the Sassanid period. Qalat Islamabad building with its central square space, porches with Oval(Shaljami) arches in the east and west directions and entrance with Ahang arch in the south and asymmetrical porch in the north looks like a pavilion in terms of function. It is comparable to some palaces and fire temples of the Sassanid period and the early Islamic centuries. Besides, based on the evidence on the east side, the existence of a corridor around the building makes the existence of a religious building possible. Existing porches with Ahang and Oval(Shaljami) arches, symmetry, materials used and pottery findings can be presented from the late Parthian to late Sassanid period and early Islamic period to dating the Qalat building in Islamabad.

Establishing security is one of the most important issues in any society, so that if a government fails to establish the security of its citizens, all activities will be disrupted and life will be impossible. After establishing the Achaemenid Empire in 559 BC, Cyrus the Great used his military genius to form the world's first great empire and conquer large parts of Asia. His successor, Cambyses, followed his father's footsteps and succeeded in adding Egypt and Libya to the Achaemenid Empire. Cyrus and Cambyses spent most of their time in war and had little opportunity to carry out internal reforms. Darius the Great (522-486 BC) was the first emperor to carry out extensive administrative, political, economic and security reforms in ancient times in a way that his actions lasted until the end of the Achaemenid dynasty. Later, the governments that came to power in Iran adopted his actions, and even today in many parts of the world, Darius's reforms in the field of security can be observed.

The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library based with the use of valid sources and references. The necessity of the present research is that security is very necessary for every society and country and is like oxygen for human breathing. Studying the history and actions taken by civilized societies of the past regarding the creation of security, helps us to have more and better security in today's world. The importance of the present study is that the analytical method investigates the reason for the security reforms and innovations in the time of Darius the Great and the impact of these reforms on the Achaemenid era.

After Cyrus took control of Persia, he tried to conquer various lands in Asia. For this reason, during his reign of about 29 years (559-530 BC), he was able to conquer most of Asia. After the death of Cambyses and the revolt of Gaumatus the Magi, the entire Achaemenid realm was in turmoil until finally Darius in 522 BC took power. At this time to create more security in the vast Achaemenid territory, reforms such as: the division of the empire into twenty states of satrapies, the creation of an advanced information system called the ears and eyes of the king and the creation of the Great Royal Road by Darius the Great. Darius, after suppressing the early revolts of his rule, came to the conclusion that the empire created by Cyrus the Great was not well-structured needing fundamental changes and innovations in various fields. These reforms created security in the realm. Achaemenid and prolonged dynasty. 

Domination over the vast territory of the Achaemenid Empire, which included the continents of Asia, Africa and Europe, in addition to military and combat capabilities, required an advanced and new security system. After Darius the Great ascended to the throne in 522 BC, revolts spread throughout the whole country. After succeeding in the suppression the revolts, he decided that reforms were needed to save the empire from possible future revolts. At this time, in order to control the vast territory more and better, the Achaemenid land was divided into several states or sub-Saharan lands. At the head of each satrapy or province was a mayor or governor. khshathrapāvan (the governor) was obliged to carry out all the affairs of the province under his command, but his main duty, in addition to the accomplishment of affairs of the province under his control, was to obey the great king. In order that the governors do not revolt, Darius appointed a man as his secretary, who was obliged to report everything to the center. In addition, the military garrison of each province was not under the control of Khashtreh Pawon, but directly under the Shah’s. At this time, especially after the reforms made by Darius the Great, a very advanced information system was created. People named "The King's Eyes and Ears" were chosen from the relatives and trusted individuals of the Shah, whose task was to roam throughout the vast Achaemenid realm and report the slightest matter to the Shah. For better managing his vast territory and establishing the security of the people, Darius built roads known as the "Royal Road".After Darius the Great ascended to the throne in 522 BC, large revolts broke out in It took place throughout the Achaemenid Empire that Darius, with the help of his loyal allies, was able to suppress the revolts. After the revolts subsided, Darius came to the conclusion that the empire did not have a strong administrative and security structure.Moreover, Cyrus and Cambyses spent less time in conquests and battlefields and had little opportunity to reform the administrative, economic, political and security fields. Therefore, Darius tried to make new reforms and strengthen the imperial structure. In fact, Darius does not abandon Cyrus policy, as scholars believe, but strengthens the same policy.Therefore, the reason for the early revolts of Darius's rule and his new reforms was not the weakness of Cyrus' liberal policy, but the liberal policy of Cyrus the Great was the strength of his rule, so that Darius the Great and his successors tried to continue this policy until the end of the Achaemenid period.The advanced administrative and security system created by Darius led to the establishment of lasting security in the Achaemenid Empire, so that according to ancient texts, the world entered a phase of peace and tranquility. In addition, the new system made the imperial structure strong and stable and as a consequence, the Achaemenid dynasty lasted about 150 years after Darius. The reforms continued by Darius' successors and its traces are visible even up to this day. The roots of today's world security system could be traced back to the time of Darius the Achaemenid.

The defeat of Sassanid dynasty against Arabs, marked a new “historical” era for the land of Iran; but not only the ancient and rich culture of Iran lost by this defeat, but also it continued in the Islamic era. One of the beliefes and rituals which has taken many forms and shapes and has been through many ups and downs over the course of history is “chivalry” .The common theory in this regard is that  chivalry is derived from Sufism; Since Sufism was originated from Islamic training, chivalry has Islamic origin too. Although one cannot completely ignore the influence of Islamic culture in chivalry, ignoring Iranian culture and civilization whose foundation is wisdom, goodness and art, isn’t rational and fair. The author has attempted to refer to the origins of this doctrine and its probable effect from pre Islamic culture and civilization in spite of different and controversial views of researchers about chivalry and difference existing in its origins and principles. Therefore, the effects of  ancient Iran, Zoastrianism and Mehri and Manavi religions on chivalry are examined in three independent sections and it is believed that these effects don’t mean complete agreement or adaption.

Although the last ancient period of Persia ended with the Arab attack and the fall of the Sassanid dynasty, the Persians were experiencing new traditions and customs, but the Sassanian historical defeat was not the end of Iranian culture and civilization. Ancient Iran’s old culture continued its survival in the Islamic era; even the heavy attack of Arabs was unable to break the relationship between Islamic Iran and the rich, ancient heritage of pre-Islamic period. In this respect, the periodic connection between Sassanid and Islamic era is not the period of interruption but “the period of transfer of Iran’s culture and civilization from an epoch, with its own characteristics, into another in which other characteristics have been produced as a result of dealing with other factors and on the path of its gradual, historical evolution” (Mohammadi Malayeri, 2000, p.6). One of the customs that has undergone many changes during the course of history, is “chivalry” which has many kinds in history and culture of Iran. In this study, it is tried to refer to the Iranian sources of chivalry and the probable effects of pre-Islamic Iranian culture and civilization on it.

In the early centuries of the advent of Islam in Iran, the devotees founded the ideology of “Sufism”, using the teachings of Islam, Quran, and Hadiths. Many researchers believe that the foundations of Sufism are Islam and Quran. According to many books on Sufism, “generosity and chivalry” is retrieved from Sufism; also chivalry, as well as Sufism, first had a primitive form, then began to expand day after day. The issue of retrieving generosity from Sufism does not end here; because there are many reasons which represent that awareness of older sources of generosity requires looking at the heritage of ancient Iran, including the Sassanian and even the Parthian period. Perhaps chivalry, at least in some aspects, has roots in such a viewpoint. According to the prevailing perspective, “generosity” is rooted in Sufism and Sufism itself comes from the teachings of Islam; therefore, generosity has Islamic origin. Accepting this vision, conflicts with researchers’ remarks and requires reflection on the issue. Sahrverdi clarifies that not all codes of generosity are in accordance with Islam’s principles but ofcourse it does not deprecate the principles (Saraf, 1991). Sahrverdi (2001) has applied the interpretation of “fati beyza” to “Hallaj”; on the other hand, Abo Abdullah Dastani has introduced Bayazid Bastami Zartoshtizade as one of the first believers who reached the highest levels of generosity (Haman, 2006); the fact that these two with “Kharaghani” and “Abul Abbas Ghasab” formed the kernel of “Khamire Khosravanin” can indicate the close relationship of chivalry with some ancient Iranian traditions and pre-Islamic culture.The author does not seek to attribute all documents to pre-Islamic Iran by overlooking the influence of the productive Islamic culture and its role in generosity or to look for all roots in that period; in fact, he argues that it is impossible to renounce the influence and role of Iran’s culture and tradions. He also mentions that this delicate, narrow path requires fair, cautious steps as well as avoiding absolutism, generalization, bias, and jaundice. The influence of pre-Islamic culture on expansion and development of chivalry in Islamic period has many different manifestations, including the ancient Iran and its influence on chivalry; also it includes traditions and religions of Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Mithraism in addition to their influence on chivalry, which have been discussed in detail in this study.

The chivalry as a belief and a manner, having ancient origins, has never been destroyed by the extinction of governments. In addition to accepting new requirements as well as environmental, cultural, and social conditions, chivalry is transferred from one age to another.  The custom of chivalry, which grew simultaneously with the expansion and development of Sufism, has connection with Iranian origins; in a way that some relevant Zoroastrianism customs can be referred to, such as the refusal of perfidy, hospitality to strangers, altruism, igniting five-burner light kerosene lamp, changing “kosti” to “shad”, changing “sodre” to “saravil”, changing wine to “kasolfotove”, forgiving in the midst of need, and continuing the custom of writing books on generosity. Furthermore, some characteristics of Mithraism and Manichaeism has influenced generosity, such as equality, brotherhood, love, friendship, honesty, respecting elders, respecting masters, and making sacrifices in order to refine human’s soul. Yet, the most influential contribution to historical influences belongs to the Sassanid dynasty, since Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Mithraism had better opportunity to grow in this very period.

By the emergence of Modernity in Iran in Qajar Era many intellectuals believed in developing reformations in Iran’s Community. Besides reformations, the society of Iran should be awakened from deep sleep by thinking transformation and reach Modernity and this issue is evident in all works of intellectuals in Qajar. Undoubtedly many trips of intellectuals of this era to European countries have influenced their thoughts. Pre-constitutional intellectuals enumerated the reasons for Iran’s mustiness as despotisms, lack of legal governance, invasion of Arabs to Iran and finally religion and superstitions. So they tried to find a solution for solving these problems. They became familiar with modern government elements in West and proposed some solutions for mustiness of Iran like: reformation of governance structure, making law, reformation or changing the procedure, renewing ancient traditions, eliminating or reforming religion, etc. the thoughts of these intellectuals aren’t limited to a same realm of meaning and the method of each case is different for solving the problems of the country. However, their thought is related to modern governance. Among the pre-constitutional intellectuals is Mirza Agha Khan Kermani. He found out the reasons for Iran’s mustiness by observing western countries’ situation and comparing it with Iran. He became aware of Modern governance elements and criticized traditional situation of society of Iran and tried to find a solution for solving this crisis.

The current paper is based on analytical-descriptive method and governance theory of Michel Foucault and examines perception of Mirza Agha Khan Kermani of nature of Modern governance on the basis of his work, seven treatises.  The problem is that what are the basics of modern governance in the thought of Mirza Agha Khan Kermani? The hypothesis of this paper is that Mirza Agha Khan Kermani criticized the nature of traditional system of Iran and his different perceptions of Modernity and modern governance led to a different interpretation of mustiness. About the research literature we should say that some works have been written about thoughts of Mirza Agha Khan Kermani that the most important ones are Facing with Modernity by Abdollah Ansari, Basics of Modern Government in Thinkers’ Perspective in Constitutional Era by Shah Mohammadi, Thoughts of Mirza Agha Khan Kermani by Feridon Adamiyat. These works have examined dimensions of Mirza Agha Khan Kermani’s thought.

Mirza Agha Khan Kermani is one of the intellectuals of Qajar Era. His thought is full of nationalism, documenting the governance right of nation, freedom, fighting with Russian and English colonialism, fighting with despotism, litigation, human rights, Islamic unity thought and criticizing social situation (Ajoudani, 2014: 79). He criticized the nature of traditional system in Iran and his different thinking tendencies have influenced his perception of Modernity and modern governance elements.This has caused that he has a different perception to lagging behind. One of the modern governance factors in his thoughts is national government. He considers the reason of the emergence of government the human being’s requirement to meet his needs and necessity of cooperation with others in meeting them. In his opinion (Kermani, 1945: 69) establishing a society and necessity of leader I the factor of people’s solidarity and prevents disunion in society and it is considered as main motivation of community to modernity.  Kermani considers government a necessary tool for society progress (Kermani, 280). His attitude to government represents establishing a legal system based on Modernity because it is “legally bound” and its nation enjoys freedom rights (Kermani, 1933:162). He reprimands despotic traditional government as the people finally make a revolution. It doesn’t seem that he wants to transform all political structure and make a revolution in it but conversely, he is reformist and tries to avoid despotism. In his opinion the existence of law is the main technique for modern governance. Kermani focuses on law as the main element in reaching democracy in Iran and believes that it has been from the beginning and it has been eliminated by Arab attacks and their dominance to Iran (Kermani, 285). Mirza Agha Khan considers lawlessness of this event as the origin of all misfortunes of Iranians.One of the structural components in the transformation of Mirza Aga Khan's thought is the unpreparedness of the society and the illiteracy of the majority of the society. In this regard, he considers the basis of life and the basis of human civilization in science and knowledge and considers science impossible without education (Kermani, 1945: 16). He did not believe that Iran was useless in science; But with the invasion of this land by the Arabs, they destroyed their sciences and technologies and burned the books of Iran out of jealousy and ignorance and trampled on the sciences of Iran for several thousand years (Kermani, 1989: 23). The intense attacks that Mirza Aga Khan repeatedly pays attention to the ignorant Arabs and their customs and traditions in his works show his attention to the political system that ruled the situation in Iran at that time.In the face of the modern government in the West, Kermani considers the ruling tyranny as one of the reasons for the backwardness of the governments in Iran, which seeks power and has not paid attention to the development and education of the nation and deprives the people of their rights and freedoms. Kermani gives people legal rights (Kermani, Bita b: 74-73). According to him, the people should be aware of their rights and the nation should form a great force for itself against the strength of the government. His emphasis on the concept of the nation and the granting of equal rights demonstrates his efforts to involve the people in the political life of the country in order to achieve a modern government in society.Kermani has a broad view of women's rights among intellectuals before him, so much so that he pays special attention to women in all his works. In the field of women's rights, she believes that they should have equal rights with men: "Women should have equal rights with men and learn them from any science, technology and industry, and be aware of good and bad, and women should not wear hijab and not speak. He is not forbidden from having sex with a foreign man so that he does not produce any sins and obscene acts at all ”(Kermani, 1933: 10). Therefore, he considers women to have equal rights with men as a condition for the perfect progress of the human world.

Mirza Aga Khan Kermani is one of the pioneers of modern government in Iran, who at the same time has tried to look at tradition in its historical context. His efforts to critique the past as an important component of his thought are influenced by the West. He can be considered an admirer of the ancient religion and cultural values ​​of Iran, which he tried to revive and to take the political foundations of the West, such as the establishment of national government, the expansion of social and political freedoms and finally the absolute separation of political institutions from religion. He emphasized. He brought government and religion together and considered the rule of law to be appropriate for Iranian society. Mirza Aga Khan's legacy not only reduced the role of tradition to advising the ruling system, but he also opposed and rejected the authoritarian system in the political sphere. Mirza Aga Khan Kermani, as one of the progressive intellectuals, called on the people to participate in the government and demanded the overthrow of the authoritarian government by the people.